The appointment of trustees in place of elected Kurdish mayors in Turkey highlights the government’s ongoing hostility towards the Kurdish population. Despite discussions aimed at resolving the Kurdish issue through democratic means, the Turkish state continues to employ heavy-handed tactics, including military strikes on civilian infrastructure in Northeast Syria and Iraq, while simultaneously undermining Kurdish political representation domestically. Recent actions, such as the arrest of Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer and the removal of mayors from Mardin and Batman, exemplify a broader strategy to consolidate power and suppress dissent by criminalizing Kurdish institutions and leaders under the pretext of combating terrorism. This pattern of governance raises serious concerns about the erosion of democratic principles and human rights in Turkey.

Kayyım Appointments in Turkey

The Turkish government is pursuing hos le policies against the Kurds. During a period when discussions are ongoing about resolving the Kurdish issue democra cally and peacefully, the government is bombing civilian se lements, oil fields, wheat storage facili es, as well as water and electricity infrastructures in Northeast Syria and the Kurdistan federal region of Iraq. Within Turkey, the government a empts to criminalize Kurdish ins tu ons by using the judiciary and security forces. On October 31, 2024, Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer, who is of Kurdish origin, was arrested, and a trustee was appointed in his place. On November 4, 2024, the mayors of Mardin, Batman, and Esenyurt were removed from office and replaced with trustees.

In the CAT session of July 2024 and the CCPR session from October 23-24, 2024, as well as in the UPR session of January 2020, it was noted that judicial, execu ve, and legisla ve powers were concentrated into a single authority, effec vely abolishing the principle of separa on of powers. The Turkish government uses the judiciary to maintain its power and exert pressure on dissidents, minori es, and various ethnic groups. Since July 2016, it has not implemented the recommenda ons of the United Na ons, nor complied with the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and the Council of Europe. During the CAT and CCPR sessions, cri cism was raised over the arbitrary deten on of Kurdish-origin party leaders, democra cally elected MPs, mayors, Kurdish journalists, media workers, civil society representa ves, and party members. The Turkish state, as always, jus fies its ac ons under the guise of “figh ng terrorism.” However, the state’s long-standing policies against the Kurds since the 1980s suggest otherwise.

Especially since the 1990s, legally established Kurdish par es, which were protected under Turkish law, have either been systema cally shut down, or their MPs and members were killed or imprisoned for decades, depriving them of their freedom. During the 1990s, many met their fate through extrajudicial killings or disappearances. Under the AKP-MHP government, “secret witnesses” have been used to impose decades-long prison sentences through the judiciary.

In the 1990s, unofficial figures indicate that approximately 17,000 Kurdish poli cians, journalists, or civilians disappeared under suspicious circumstances. As a result, every Saturday, families of these vic ms—known as the “Saturday Mothers”—hold peaceful protests in Istanbul, demanding to know the fate of their missing rela ves or, if discovered, for those responsible to be prosecuted. These protests are o en arbitrarily obstructed by the police, with par cipants detained.

Notable cases from the 1990s include:

Mehmet Sincar : A deputy from the People’s Labor Party (HEP) in Batman and the Democracy Party (DEP) in On September 4, 1993, he, along with six other depu es, went to Batman to inves gate unsolved murders. The city was plagued by frequent unsolved murders and chaos. While inves ga ng, they were a acked in the street. Mehmet Sincar, who was hit by eight bullets, and DEP official Me n Özdemir were killed in this a ack. The ultra-na onalist organiza on Turkish Revenge Brigade ini ally claimed responsibility. Later, someone on behalf of Hezbollah also took responsibility, but the case was eventually closed due to the statute of limita ons.

Musa Anter : A Kurdish intellectual and poli cian. On September 20, 1992, while visi ng Diyarbakır to mediate between two feuding families, he was killed under mysterious circumstances. Some confessors later claimed to have commi ed the murder on behalf of JITEM,

a counter-insurgency force linked to the Turkish gendarmerie, but no thorough trial was conducted, and the case was closed, remaining unresolved.
Vedat Aydın : In 1990, he served as the head of the People’s Labor Party in Diyarbakır. A Kurdish poli cian and human rights defender, he was abducted from his home by men posing as police on July 5, On July 7, 1991, his tortured body was found under a bridge in Elazığ. Although it was known that JITEM was responsible, the case was closed due to the statute of limita ons.
Muhsin Melik : A Kurdish-origin poli cian who served as the provincial head of the banned HEP and DEP par es in He was also nominated for both parliamentary and mayoral posi ons in Urfa. On June 2, 1994, he was killed in a crossfire while leaving home for work. His case remains unsolved.

As men oned above, in the 1990s, around 17,000 Kurdish poli cians, intellectuals, journalists, and civilians fell vic m to unsolved murders. In approximately 80% of these cases, either the perpetrators were never iden fied, or the cases were closed by the judiciary with reasons such as “statute of limita ons,” “lack of jurisdic on,” or “no grounds for prosecu on.”

During the AKP-MHP government, poli cians, members of parliament, and mayors are being imprisoned through judicial means. Between 2012 and 2015, “democra c solu on and peace” nego a ons were held between the PKK and the Turkish state. However, on June 7, 2015, a er the AKP lost its parliamentary majority, it suspended the peace talks and ini ated a bloody and conflict-driven process against the Kurds. The mountains and villages in Kurdish regions were subjected to military opera ons and bombardments to render them uninhabitable. The par al details of these events can be seen in reports released by the UN High Commissioner in February 2017 (3) and March 2018 (4).

Par cularly a er the failed coup a empt on July 15, 2016, the Turkish government took advantage of the situa on to intensify its crackdown on Kurdish ins tu ons, civil society organiza ons, and media outlets. During the 142nd CCPR session, it was noted that a large number of these ins tu ons were closed down. The government launched inves ga ons against the co-chairs, MPs, and mayors of the Peoples’ Democra c Party (HDP), leading to their imprisonment. Despite rulings by the European Court of Human Rights, resolu ons from the Council of Europe, and recommenda ons from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Turkish state has not fulfilled its obliga ons under interna onal law. Instead, it has imposed long sentences on the men oned poli cians or removed them from office, appoin ng trustees in their place, especially in municipali es in the Kurdish regions.

Since 2016, mayors elected by public vote under the HDP, now known as the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM), have been arbitrarily dismissed. They are replaced by government-aligned officials.

The Interior Ministry recently dismissed the Mardin Metropolitan Mayor Ahmet Türk, Batman Mayor Gülistan Sönük, and Halfe Mayor Mehmet Karayılan on the grounds of “terrorism,” and appointed trustees in their place. This ac on is based on a legal framework stemming from the cons tu onal amendment annulled by the Cons tu onal Court (AYM) in 1988 but reinstated through

a Decree-Law (KHK) issued a er the failed coup a empt of July 15. As a result, over the past 10 years, 147 municipali es have been placed under trustees. The Interior Minister removed these mayors based on Ar cle 127 of the Cons tu on, which deals with “local administra ons.”

Ar cle 127 of the Cons tu on grants the Interior Minister the authority to “temporarily suspend members of local administra ve bodies or their members who are under inves ga on or prosecu on for a crime related to their du es un l a final court decision is made.” However, the ar cle does not specify who should be appointed in place of a dismissed mayor.

The condi ons for the dismissal of mayors are regulated under Municipal Law No. 5393. The Interior

Ministry cites Ar cles 45, 46, and 47 of this law as the legal basis for such dismissals. Ar cle 47, tled “Suspension from Duty,” states that “members of municipal bodies or their members who are under inves ga on or prosecu on for crimes related to their du es may be suspended by the Interior Minister un l a final court decision is made.” Ar cle 45 outlines the procedures to be followed in the event of a mayoral vacancy. On August 15, 2016, an addi onal clause was added via a decree that granted the Interior Minister the authority to appoint governors or district governors as trustees if mayors are removed on terrorism grounds. This decree was ra fied into law on November 10, 2016.

For the past three terms, the AKP-MHP government has systema cally removed the mayors elected by the Kurdish majority in municipali es where the HDP (now DEM) won the elec ons, replacing them with centrally appointed trustees. This has been a ributed to an -Kurdish sen ment. The recent cases of Esenyurt, Mardin, Batman, and Halfe are par cularly noteworthy.

In Turkey, the most recent municipal elec ons took place on March 31, 2024. Before their candidacy, mayors and municipal council members are required to submit criminal records issued by judicial authori es to the Supreme Electoral Council. Once approved by the Supreme Electoral Council, their candidacies are confirmed. These four mayors were all cleared by the Supreme Electoral Council and elected with a significant majority by the people.

Although the co-chairmanship system is not legally recognized in Turkey, the HDP and its successor, the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM), have been prac cing it in reality. As a result, if one co-chair is dismissed, the other is also removed and punished accordingly.

Mr. Ahmet TÜRK : Ac ve in Turkish poli cs since the 1970s, Ahmet Türk is 82 years old and has previously served as a party chairman and member of parliament. He was elected as the mayor of Mardin Metropolitan Municipality in the elec ons of March 30, 2014, March 30, 2019, and March 31, 2024. On all three occasions, he was dismissed from his posi on, and a trustee was appointed in his place. The first dismissal was in November 2016, the second on August 19, 2019, and the third on November 4, 2024. In each case, the jus fica on given was alleged “membership in or support of a terrorist organiza on.” The reason cited for his dismissal on November 4, 2024, was a 10-year prison sentence handed down by a local court in the “Kobane case,” even though the trial has not been concluded and the decision has not been upheld by the Supreme Court. The European Court of Human Rights had previously cri cized the sentencing of Ahmet Türk and Selaha n Demirtaş in the Kobane case as a “poli cal maneuver.” Ahmet Türk also played an ac ve role in the “democra c solu on and peace nego a ons” held between the PKK and the Turkish state between 2012 and 2015. He is known as a “peace envoy” in resolving disputes among families in Kurdish regions and is a well-respected figure among the local popula on.

Mr. Ahmet ÖZER : At the end of the 1980s, he worked as a specialist sociologist in the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) led by the State Planning Organiza on (DPT), based in Şanlıurfa. He has been involved in sociological and public research on the poli cal iden ty of the Kurds. In the following years, he served as a lecturer and held administra ve posi ons at various universi es. He has authored 38 books, including four novels and a screenplay addressing migra on. On March 31, 2024, he was elected as the mayor of Istanbul’s Esenyurt district for the Republican People’s Party (CHP). He was dismissed from office on October 30, 2024. Although no court ruling has been issued against him yet, he was removed due to an inves ga on ini ated a er the March 31, 2024 elec ons. Ahmet Özer was suspended by the Interior Ministry as a temporary measure under Ar cle 127 of the Cons tu on and Ar cle 47 of Municipal Law No. 5393, based on wiretapping records and the tes mony of a “secret witness” alleging “membership in a terrorist organiza on.”

Mrs. Gülistan SÖNÜK : Elected as co-mayor of Batman on March 31, 2024, with 64.52% of the vote. She has made significant efforts for the recogni on of women’s rights and is Batman’s first female co-mayor. She was removed from office on November 4, 2024, and replaced with a trustee. This ac on was taken based on Ar cle 127 of the Cons tu on and Ar cle 47 of Municipal Law No. 5393. Although her legal proceedings have not yet been concluded, she was sentenced to 6 years and 3 months for “aiding a terrorist organiza on” by a local court.

Mr. Mehmet KARAYILAN : Elected as the mayor of Halfe on March 31, 2024. On November 4, 2024, the Interior Ministry appointed a trustee to replace the DEM Party-affiliated Halfe Municipality. The Halfe District Governor, Hakan Başoğlu, was assigned to the role. The jus fica on provided was the ongoing inves ga on and a 6-year, 3-month, and 15-day prison sentence for “membership in an armed terrorist organiza on.”

As seen in the cases of the four dismissed mayors, their legal proceedings have not yet been concluded. Shortly a er the recent municipal elec ons, the dismissal of mayors elected from the HDP and DEM Party in Kurdish-majority areas is rooted in the Turkish state’s poli cal approach toward Kurds and its policy of criminalizing them.

Both before the elec ons and a er the appointment of trustees, the use of police force against Kurds protes ng the state’s policies toward their mayors further highlights the government’s an -Kurdish stance. (3) Turkish police forces have employed violence against demonstrators protes ng the dismissal of mayors and the appointment of public officials as trustees. In addi on to the use of force against democra c protests, threats have also been used to in midate the public. They have been told that if they con nue their democra c protests, every measure will be taken against them. (4)

The repressive and hos le policies of Turkey towards Kurds and opposi on figures will likely con nue to escalate unless cri cized by interna onal organiza ons such as the United Na ons, the European Union, and the Council of Europe. As reported in the media, there are specula ons that Ankara Metropolitan Mayor and Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor may also be removed under fabricated jus fica ons and replaced with trustees.

As the Kurdish Human Rights Center, we urge the United Na ons High Commissioner to take ac on against the oppressive policies targe ng democra cally elected mayors and poli cians. We recommend that a specialized team designated by the CCPR conduct inves ga ons into the municipali es in Kurdish regions to address the dismissals and imprisonments of elected officials.

Data and Informa on on Kayyım Appointments

Name of the Municipality	Percentage of votes	Name of the Municipality	Percentage of votes
Ağrı Merkez	%45.92	Diyarbakır-Eğil	%51.97
Ağrı-Doğubayazıt	%61.90	Elazığ- Karakoçan	%51.70
Ağrı-Diyadin	%48.43	Erzurum-Karaçoban	%59.20
Ağrı-Tutak	%38.50	Erzurum-Hınıs	%39.08
Batman Merkez	%55.89	Erzurum-Tekman	%60.30
Batman- Beşiri	%50.45	Erzurum-Karayazı	%62.10
Batman- Gercüş	%52.43	Hakkari Merkez	%66.83
Batman-İkiköprü	%56.22	Hakkari-Çukurca	%54.20
Bitlis Merkez	%43.90	Hakkari-Yüksekova	%86.60
Bitlis-Mutki	%46.10	Hakkari-Şemdinli	%49.64
Bitlis-Hizan	%29.70	Hakkari-Esendere	%94.43
Bitlis-Ovakışla	%37.46	Iğdır-Hoşhaber	%61.75
Bitlis-Güroymak	%48.10	Iğdır-Tuzluca	%51.67
Bitlis-Yolalan	%41.60	Kars-Digor	%51.90
Diyarbakır Büyükşehir	%55.10	Mardin Büyükşehir	%52.20
Diyarbakır-Bismil	%68.10	Mardin-Artuklu	%35.70
Diyarbakır-Dicle	%49.7	Mardin-Dargeçit	%60.16
Diyarbakır-Hani	%45.80	Mardin-Derik	%64.40
Diyarbakır-Kayapınar	%54.60	Mardin-Kızıltepe	%62.50
Diyarbakır-Kocaköy	%55.10	Mardin-Mazıdağı	%61.71
Diyarbakır-Kulp	%55.10	Mardin-Nusaybin	%78.78
Diyarbakır-Lice	%89.40	Mardin-Ömerli	%41.52
Diyarbakır-Silvan	%69.55	Mardin-Savur	%53.03

Name of the Municipality	Percentage of votes	Name of the Municipality	Percentage of votes
Diyarbakır-Sur	%54.41	Mersin-Akdeniz	%29.80
Diyarbakır-Yenişehir	%50.10	Muş-Bulanık	%45.84
Muş-Malazgirt	%39.19	Şırnak-Uludere	%78.50
Muş-Varto	%63.40	Şırnak-Fındık	%51.40
Muş-Erentepe	%63.02	Şırnak-Görümlü	%51.1
Muş-Rüstemgedik	%53.70	Şırnak-Kumça	%45.59
Muş- Konakkuran	%42.33	Şırnak-Sırtköy	%61.10
Muş-Uzgörür	%96.16	Şırnak-Başverimli	%62.26
Siirt Merkez	%49.40	Şırnak-Balveren	%61.21
Siirt-Baykan	%55.60	Dersim Merkez	%42.40
Siirt-Veysel Karani	%39.40	Dersim-Akpazar	%54.64
Siirt-Eruh	%52.37	Van Büyükşehir	%53.10
Siirt-Gökçebağ	%41.30	Van-Baskele	%90.89
Siirt-Atabağı	%56.40	Van-Edremit	%50.91
Siirt-Kayabağlar	%68.76	Van-Muradiye	%50.90
Siirt-Beğendik	%62.33	Van-Özalp	%71.62
Şanlıurfa-Bozova	%45.80	Van-Çatak	%67.70
Şanlıurfa-Halfe	%58.40	Van-İpekyolu	%48.32
Şanlıurfa-Suruç	%52.58	Van-Erciş	%49.43
Şanlıurfa-Viranşehir	%48.20	Van-Gürpınar	%55.00
Şırnak Merkez	%71.10	Van-Bahçesaray	%53.90
Şırnak-Beytüşşebap	%67.42	Van-Çaldıran	%58.60
Şırnak-Cizre	%81.61	Van-Saray	%65.90
Şırnak-İdil	%78.90	Van-Kömür	%50.96
Şırnak-Silopi	%78.19

In the 2019 local elec ons, the HDP won 65 municipali es, including 3 major ci es, 5 provinces, 45 districts, and 12 towns. However, the appointment cer ficates for 6 elected mayors were withheld due to their status as individuals dismissed by decree-law (KHK). This decision reduced the total number of municipali es governed by the HDP to 59.

Addi onally, following a decision by the Ministry of the Interior, administrators (kayyım) were appointed to 48 municipali es controlled by the HDP, which included 3 major ci es, 5 provincial

Appointment of kayyım administrators

1. Grande municipalité de Van

2 . Grande municipalité de Mardin

3. Grande municipalité de Diyarbakır

4. Municipalité provinciale de Hakkari

5. Municipalité provinciale de Batman

6. Municipalité provinciale de Siirt

7. Municipalité provinciale de Iğdır

8. Municipalité provinciale de Kars

9. Municipalité de Kulp (Diyarbakır)

10. Municipalité de Kayapınar (Diyarbakır)

11 . Municipalité de Bismil (Diyarbakır)

12 . Municipalité de Kocaköy (Diyarbakır)

13. Municipalité de Yenişehir (Diyarbakır)

14 . Municipalité de Hazro (Diyarbakır)

15 . Municipalité de Sur (Diyarbakır)

16. Municipalité de Eğil (Diyarbakır)

17. Municipalité d’Ergani (Diyarbakır)

18. Municipalité de Lice (Diyarbakır)

19. Municipalité de Silvan (Diyarbakır)

20. Municipalité d’Erciş (Van)

21. Municipalité de Saray (Van)

22. Municipalité d’İpekyolu (Van)

23. Municipalité de Muradiye (Van)

24. Municipalité d’Özalp (Van)

25. Municipalité de Başkale (Van)

26 . Municipalité de Cizre (Şırnak)

27 . Municipalité d’İdil (Şırnak)

28. Municipalité de Kızıltepe (Mardin)

29 . Municipalité de Mazıdağı (Mardin)

30. Municipalité de Derik (Mardin)

31. Municipalité de Nusaybin (Mardin)

32. Municipalité de Savur (Mardin)

33. Municipalité de Suruç (Şanlıurfa)

34. Municipalité de Varto (Muş)

35. Municipalité de Bulanık (Muş)

36. Municipalité de Güroymak (Bitlis) 37. Municipalité de Baykan (Siirt)

38 . Municipalité de Kurtalan (Siirt)

39 . Municipalité de Diyadin (Ağrı)

40. Municipalité de Karayazı (Erzurum)

41 . Municipalité de Karaçoban (Erzurum)

42 . Municipalité de Yüksekova (Hakkari)

43. Municipalité du bourg d’Akpazar (Tunceli)

44. Municipalité du bourg d’İkiköprü (Batman)

45. Municipalité du bourg d’Erentepe (Muş)

46. Municipalité du bourg d’Al nova (Muş)

47. Municipalité du bourg de Gökçebağ (Siirt)

48. Municipalité du bourg de Sarıcan (Elazığ)

49. Municipalité du bourg de Halfeli (Iğdır)

Despite winning, the following municipali es did not receive their elec on cer ficates due to a ruling by the Supreme Elec on Board (YSK):

Co-mayor of Bağlar (Diyarbakır): Zeyyat Ceylan
Co-mayor of Çaldıran (Van): Leyla Atsak
Co-mayor of Edremit (Van): Gülcan Kaçmaz Sağyiğit
Co-mayor of Tuşba (Van): Yılmaz Berki
Co-mayor of the town of Dağpınar (Digor, Kars): Abubekir Erkmen

Since the co-mayor system is not legally recognized, eight other co-mayors, although listed on the ballots, did not receive their cer ficates:

Co-mayor of the Greater Municipality of Diyarbakır: Hülya Alökmen Uyanık
Co-mayor of Yenişehir (Diyarbakır): İbrahim Çiçek
Co-mayor of Kayapınar (Diyarbakır): Neca Pirinççioğlu
Co-mayor of Hakkari: Seher Kadiroğlu
Co-mayor of Kızıltepe (Mardin): Salih Kuday
Co-mayor of Savur (Mardin): Mehmet Yasin Kalkan
Co-mayor of Siirt: Resul Kaçar
Co-mayor of Erciş (Van): Mahmut Pala

In the most recent 2024 local elec ons, the DEM Party, successor to the HDP, won 75 municipali es, including 3 major ci es (Diyarbakır, Van, and Mardin), 7 provinces, 58 districts, and 7 towns. Despite this success, 3 of these municipali es were placed under trusteeship. Addi onally, the municipality of Hakkari was recently placed under the administra on of an appointed administrator (kayyım) following a decision by the Ministry of the Interior, despite the fact that the elected mayor in 2019, Mehmet Sıddık Akış, had won the elec ons.

The municipali es now under kayyım administra on are:

Greater Municipality of Mardin
Provincial Municipality of Batman
District of Halfe (Şanlıurfa)

The evolu on of municipali es led by the HDP and DEM reveals a dynamic of tension between the electoral successes of these par es and state interven ons through appointed administrators. Successive elec ons show that while these par es have managed to maintain significant local representa on, their control remains severely undermined by government decisions. This situa on highlights the challenges of local governance under a poli cal system that restricts the autonomy of municipali es, with implica ons for democra c aspira ons and the rights of elected officials and voters.

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Kayyım Appointments in Turkey

Data and Informa on on Kayyım Appointments

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